Författarna diskuterar nya sociala förortsrörelser som försöker motverka den sociala exkludering och gentrifiering som blir allt mer synlig. Dessa rörelser kräver social upprustning av miljonprogrammen och inkludering i demokratiska beslutsprocesser. De har vuxit fram genom organisering underifrån av människor som bor och vuxit upp i området. I detta kapitel ligger fokus på den förortsbaserade organisationen Megafonen som arbetar med social mobilisering av medborgarna på Järvafältet i Stockholm, för att bidra till framväxandet av en social rörelse mot social exkludering och för ökat medborgarinflytande, social upprustning och social rättvisa. Som framtida utmaningar för mobiliserande samhällsarbete lyfter författarna den s.k. rörelsejuridiken.  Författarna förespråkar ett samhällsarbete som bygger påmedvetandegörande , skapande av kollektiv identitet och samhörighet, stödjande av aktivering och deltagande, samt mobilisering av de utsatta grupperna själva för social förändring.

Den universella välfärdsmodell, som tillämpats i Sverige sedan andra världskriget, vägleddes av ambitionen att hålla marknadsintressen utanför välfärden för att undvika ojämlik tillgång och kvalitet samt för att stärka den demokratiska styrningen av välfärdssektorn. Sverige präglades därmed av en välutvecklad offentlig sektor med god tillgång till offentlig service.Den här rapporten kan dock genom omfattande statistiska studier visa hur den svenska välfärdsmodellen sedan 80-talet och framåt har genomgått genomgripande förändringar. Resultaten är bland annat:

• Antalet privata aktörer i välfärdssektorn ökar som en följd av politiskt skapade välfärdsmarknader.

• Gemensamma skattemedlen finansierar i högre grad privata välfärdstjänster, som i allt större utsträckning utförs av stora koncernägda aktiebolag, liksom dessa företags vinster.

• Omfattande privatiseringar av gemensamt ägande har genomförts.

• Andelen offentligt anställda har minskat med 10 procentenheter och antalet statsanställda har halverats, medan antalet sysselsatta i privat välfärdsverksamhet fyrdubblats.

• En högre andel skatter går i allt större utsträckning till att finansiera välfärdsverksamhet som bedrivs av det privata näringslivet.

• Offentlig sektors totala andel av samhällsekonomin har minskat från 60 procent till 50 procent av BNP.

Dessa resultat tyder sammanfattningsvis på att den svenska välfärdsmodellen har genomgått kritiska förändringar vars följder inneburit att en omfattande omfördelning av makt, resurser och inflytande har skett från den demokratiskt styrda gemensamma sektorn – till den marknadsstyrda privata sektorn. Den svenska universella välfärdsmodellen som en gång hyllades har ersatts av en allt mer marknadsliberal modell. Bland konsekvenserna finns försämrad jämlikhet i tillgången till exempelvis skola, vård och omsorg, mindre ekonomisk omfördelningspolitik och mindre demokratisk styrning. Samtidigt går en allt växande andel av medborgarnas skattepengar till de privata välfärdsföretagens vinster.

Den här rapporten visar, genom omfattande studier av en mängd tidigare genomförda undersökningar om ägande och förmögenhetsförhållanden i Sverige, att koncentrationen av makt och ägande har blivit allt mer ojämlik. Resultaten är bland annat att:

• Ungefär hälften av den samlade svenska ekonomin ägsnumera från utlandet.

• Det utländska ägandet på Stockholmsbörsen har ökat från 4 procent år 1979 till 39,4 procent 2016.

• Det offentliga bolagsägandet har minskat och antalet anställda i statliga företag har halverats från 310 000 år 1980 till 158 000 år 2015.

• Det institutionella ägandet har ökat och utgör cirka 20 procent av ägandet i de börsnoterade bolagen.

• Det så kallade riskkapitalet har vuxit kraftfullt i omfattning och störst i sektorn är Wallenbergkontrollerade EQT.

• I de stora börsnoterade bolagen på Stockholmsbörsen har den största ägarens andel av röstetalet ökat från i genomsnitt 26,8 procent till 31,2 procent av bolagsstämmans röster.

• De 15 största finansfamiljerna styrde år 2017 bolag värda 4 935 miljarder kronor. Som jämförelse var Sveriges totala BNP samma år 4 604 miljarder kronor.

• Familjen Wallenberg kontrollerade företag värderade till närmare 2 000 miljarder kronor.

• Vad gäller de samlade förmögenheterna så har den allra rikaste procentens andel av de samlade förmögenheterna fördubblats från 20,5 procent 1978 till 39,6 procent 2006 och har fortsatt öka sedan dess.

• Antalet svenska miljardärer har ökat från 83 personer 2001 till 178 år 2016.

För att samhällsutvecklingen ska kunna vändas i riktning mot ökad jämlikhet krävs det att den breda vänstern tar kampen för att återskapa former för reglering och begränsningar av kapitalets makt både i Sverige men också internationellt i en allt mer globaliserad värld. Utvecklandet av ett nytt gemensamt projekt, som utgör ett verkligt alternativ till den ojämlikhetsskapande marknadsliberalismen, är av avgörande betydelse för socialdemokratins framtid.

In this article, we examine family influences on occupational aspirations among employed descendants of Middle Eastern immigrants. Using a qualitative approach, we conducted 21 semi-structured interviews with native-born descendants of Middle Eastern immigrants. We present and analyse their interpretations of their parents’ experiences and living conditions before, during and after migration and demonstrate how these interpretations shaped their own occupational aspirations. We discuss parents’ high expectations of their children in relation to ethnic-community valuations of educational and occupational achievements. These high expectations may increase the chances of social mobility but can also become a negative pressure, especially if parents set high standards but cannot help their children to meet those expectations. In these cases, older siblings who possess valuable knowledge of the educational system and labour market can function as important transferrers of resources.

This article explores how descendants of immigrants in Sweden understand labor market conditions, and how such understandings influence their occupational strategies. We interviewed twenty-one Sweden-born individuals with non-Western immigrant parents, and identified three strategies based on our analysis of the data: ‘choosing’ the right job, adapting the habitus, and using cultural capital in flexible ways. The first strategy covers interviewees working in jobs with labor shortages and/or high demand for employees with immigrant background. The second covers interviewees who could learn through failing, with substantial resilience and persistence. The third deals with interviewees who searched for jobs in branches that valued their particular skill set, entailing the importance of being flexible on the labor market.

The aim of this study was to examine how employed descendants of immigrants in Sweden perceive that interactions with public officials have benefitted their occupational aspirations and attainments. We conducted qualitative semi-structured interviews with twelve female and nine male descendants of immigrants, followed by an abductive thematic analysis. Applying a theoretical framework of social capital, we found three main influences of public officials from respondents’ perspectives: 1) connectedness, 2) supporting personal goals and focusing on possibilities, and 3) mediation of knowledge and information. We discuss and analyse the symbolic resources deriving from these influences, e.g. increased motivation and self-belief, and conceptualize these resources as social capital contributing to the occupational aspirations and attainments of immigrants’ descendants.

This study used qualitative interviews to explore perceptions of labour market participation in relation to gender norms and parenting ideals among employed Swedish men and women of migrant descent. Using an abductive thematic approach, we demonstrate how the respondents viewed labour market participation from different perspectives. The females saw it as a source of emancipation, whereas the men primarily viewed it as a means of providing for a current/future family. While our respondents depicted themselves as dedicated to social norms of gender equality, they expressed gender-biased views on work and family. The respondents’ immigrant heritage also influenced their views on labour market participation, gender and family. Gender inequalities in the parental generation motivated them to arrange their work and family lives differently, and the Swedish social and political context offered them incentives and opportunities to be more gender-equal than their parents. We view and analyse these findings from a life course-perspective, showing how cultural and contextual influences affect respondents’ perspectives on work and family arrangements.

Youth empowerment within the context of sustainable development (SD) is starting to gain more attention within social work, both internationally and in Sweden. SD, as an integrated set of global goals in tackling social, economic, and ecological challenges, is a vital concept in social work. Protecting people and the natural environment can be considered the fullest realization of the person-in-environment, a foundation upon which the social work profession is built. The ecosocial perspective is widely discussed in terms of societal transformation in harmony with nature. Within this context, this article explores ecosocial work discourses in youth empowerment. Data were gathered through 20 qualitative semi-structured interviews with key representatives of youth organizations from Gävle municipality, Sweden, and analyzed using ATLAS.ti v.9.0. The main findings are discussed within the framework of ecosocial work, youth empowerment, and a Foucauldian perspective on discourse, power, and knowledge. The results indicate the need for an ecosocial youth empowerment, calling for increased knowledge of both youth empowerment through SD and ecosocial work for those working with/for youth connected to social work practice. The results highlight the importance of an ecosocial youth empowerment on a more structural and collective level.

Climate change and the coupled loss of ecosystem services pose major collective action problems in that all individuals would benefit from better cooperation to address these problems but conflicting interests and/or incomplete knowledge discourage joint action. Adopting an inductive and multi‐layered approach, drawing upon the authors’ previous research on urban commons, we here summarize key insights on environmentally oriented urban commons and elaborate on what role they have in instigating climate‐proofing activities in urban areas. We deal with three types of urban commons, i.e., “urban green commons,” “coworking spaces,” and “community climate commons.” We describe how allotment gardens, community gardens, and other types of urban green commons contribute to environmental learning that may boost under‐ standing of environmental issues and which constitute important learning arenas for climate‐change mitigation and adap‐ tation. We also deal with the newly emerging phenomenon of coworking spaces that share many essential institutional attributes of urban commons and which can work for climate‐change mitigation through the benefits provided by a shar‐ ing economy and through reduction of domestic transportation and commuting distance. Community climate commons represent commons where local communities can mobilize together to create shared low‐carbon assets and which hold the potential to empower certain segments and civil society groups so that they can have greater influence and ownership of the transformation of reaching net‐zero carbon goals. We conclude this article by identifying some critical determinants for the up‐scaling of environmentally oriented urban commons.

This paper aims to emphasize the need for enhancing inclusivity and accessibility within smart-city societies. It represents the first attempt to apply Amartya Sen’s capability approach by exploring the implications of digital divides for promoting inclusive and climate-friendly cities that prioritize well-being, equity, and societal participation. Sen’s framework recognizes individual variations in converting resources into valuable ‘functionings’, and herein emphasizes the importance of aligning personal, social, and environmental conversion factors for individuals to fully navigate, participate in, and enjoy the benefits provided by smart cities. Adopting the capability approach and employing a cross-disciplinary analysis of the scientific literature, the primary objective is to broaden understanding of how to improve inclusivity and accessibility within smart-city societies, with a specific focus on marginalized community members facing first- and second-level digital divides. This paper underscores the importance of adopting a systemic perspective on climate-smart city navigation and stresses the importance of establishing a unified governing body responsible for monitoring, evaluating, and enhancing smart-city functionality. The paper concludes by summarizing some policy recommendations to boost social inclusion and address climate change in smart cities, such as creating capability-enhancing institutions, safeguarding redundancy in public-choice options, empowering citizens, and leveraging academic knowledge in smart-city policy formulation.

Kapitlet behandlar ett pågående fältarbete som bedrivs i segregerade bostadsområden i Gävle. Denna verksamhet handlar om uppsökande fältarbete för att upptäcka och förebygga social exkludering i samverkan med skola, fritidsgårdar, föreningsliv, polis, föräldrar och andra berörda. Arbetet utgår från nätverkstänkande och systemiskt orienterade metoder. Delaktighet och inflytande är nyckelbegrepp. Högskolan i Gävle har sedan en tid bedrivit forskning av verksamheten och dess utveckling. Kapitlet problematiserar begreppen segregation och social exkludering samt socialt fältarbete som i Sverige har bedrivits på många olika sätt teoretiskt och praktiskt sedan 1950-talet. Den samhällsutmaning som detta kapitel lyfter fram är på vilket sätt samhället genom den kommunala socialtjänsten på bästa sätt kan utveckla ett fältarbete som utvecklar dialog med och utgår från de boendes livsupplevelser, och stödjer konstruktiva processer som bygger på boendes aktiva deltagande och inflytande i förändringsprocesser.

https://www.svt.se/nyheter/svtforum/ny-rapport-om-den-ekonomiska-jamlikheten

The disputed endorsement of inherited visceral and universal aesthetic preferences justifies the scientific validity of Alexander’s living structure. Apart from implying a resource-efficient way to promote well-being through urban design, the premise favors a collective approach to human self-perception and social justice. To better understand the contributions of Alexander, this article explores current knowledge about visceral and universal aesthetic preferences for living structure and if and how the new kind of city science, a mathematical model describing living structure, can be used for further testing. It also elaborates on the social impact of living structure, including its premise, and the potential of the new kind of city science to support social sustainability. A literature synthesis on living structure, the new kind of city science, and the premise showed a positive link between well-being and exposure to living structure. Limitations in research design nevertheless precluded conclusions about the associated visceral and universal aesthetic preferences. The new kind of city science was found appropriate for further research by holistically representing living structure. Moreover, like the hypothesized biological origin, social learning and sociocultural transmission were found to theoretically support the premise of universality and a collective approach to human identity and social justice, with further societal implications. For the concept of living structure to support social sustainability, it must be coupled with the promotion of empowerment and community mobilization. Hence, the operationalization of the new kind of city science should align with Alexander’s call for bottom-up approaches.

Carbon taxes are considered to be an efficient method to reduce greenhouse gas emissions; however, such taxes are generally unpopular, partly because they are seen as unfair. To explore if public acceptance of a stricter carbon tax in Sweden can be enhanced, this study investigates the effectiveness of three different policy designs, addressing collective and personal distributional consequences and promoting procedural aspects (democratic influence). A large-scale (n = 5200) survey is applied, combining a traditional multi-category answer format with a binary choice format. The results show that support for higher carbon taxation can be enhanced if tax revenues are redistributed to affected groups. Policies with collective justice framings can change the attitudes of individuals who express antagonistic attitudes to increased carbon taxation and influence groups comparably more affected by carbon taxes, such as rural residents, low-income groups, and people who are driving long distances. Policy designs addressing collective distributional consequences are, however, less effective on individuals expressing right-leaning ideological views and low environmental concern. Policies addressing personal distributional outcomes, or perceptions of procedural injustice, had no significant effect on policy acceptance. 

The concept of social sustainability has long been a subject of discussion within academic literature and practitioners. However, there remains a lack of clarity in its definition and scholars argue that this can impacting the legitimacy of addressing social sustainability challenges. Through a systematic literature review and a content analysis, we shed light on the multifaceted discourse surrounding the concept of social sustainability, elucidating its diverse applications and meanings portrayed and defined within scholarly discourse. Our findings show that the concept predominantly revolves around four prevalent categories: “Equity,” “Well-being,” “Participation and Influence,” and ‘Social Capital. Based on results, we develop and present a novel analytical framework of the four pillars of social sustainability, referred to as the “SoSuCompass,” representing a conceptual framework to clarify the concept's multifaceted nature. The framework can serve as a tool for a fuller comprehension of the definition of social sustainability.

Mitigating and adapting to climate change is a vital challenge that cannot rely solelyon technology or macro policies but need also be tailored to local social and ecologi-cal contexts. As theory suggests, institutional designs that increase collective climateaction could potentially speed up climate action in society. In this article we explorethe concept of ‘community climate commons’ (CCCs) to foster interconnected andholistic approaches involving citizens and civil society in addressing climate change.Based on a systematic literature review, the aim is to further develop the concept ofCCCs and to identify key features for the successful establishment of CCCs for thepromotion of collective climate action. The results identify four key features forCCCs: (1) democratic organization with transformative leadership, (2) small groupsizes with clear boundaries and existing rules-in-use for participation, (3) access toorganizational structures, meeting places, social capital, collective identity, and socialcohesion, and (4) external financial, political, and social support. In conclusion, CCCshave a real potential to foster a wider societal mobilization of collective climateaction while simultaneously addressing other issues of concern in local communities.

Despite a growing number of studies on human-animal interactions, empirical data focusing on companion animals within the context of health promoting work-life is still limited. This article presents the analysis and discussion based on the perceptions of 22 students and staff members from the University of Gävle in Sweden on the potential of companion animals for supportive functions in health promoting work-life, as well as on the possible challenges of having companion animals within the premises of the University. Based on the findings, this article discusses that companion animals can indeed play vital supportive functions in health promoting work-life, which are presented in the text as: forcing function, communication companion, and social skills. However, this article also highlights the socio-economic, legal, and organizational challenges that need to be carefully considered and worked-out for having companion animals at workplace, such as university.

The ecosocial work perspective stresses on the importance of focusing on the holistic interconnectedness between humans and non-humans for enhancing the wellbeing of all. Within the field of occupational social work, the involvement of companion animals for enhancing the wellbeing and productivity of employees is gaining popularity. Within this context, a study was undertaken at the University of Gavle, in Sweden, with the aim to explore the potential benefits and challenges of companion animals in health promoting work-life. Using an abductive thematic network analysis of the gathered perspectives from four focus group discussions with students and staff members from the University of Gavle, this article presents answers to two main research questions: (a) why and how companion animals can be beneficial in certain areas of occupational social work practice; and (b) what are some of the possible ways of tackling challenges emanating from having companion animals at workplace. This article concludes that companion animals can be beneficial in certain areas of occupational social work practice; however, social workers need to consider and appropriately plan for ethical, legal and organizational implications involved in having such interventions.

Kapitlet belyser hur kollektiv empowerment tillämpas inom samhällsarbete i marginaliserade bostadsområden i Stockholm och Mumbai. Kollektiv empowerment innebär medvetandegörande om orsaker till social exkludering och marginalisering, uppbyggande av kollektiv identitet, samt social mobilisering av exkluderade grupper så att de kan bygga gemensamma maktresurser med syfte att förändra ojämlikhetsskapande sociala strukturer. I Sverige är det en mera individinriktad form av empowerment som kommit att bli dominerande, åtminstone inom professionellt socialt arbete. Den utmaning som diskuteras i detta kapitel handlar om hur kollektiv empowerment och social mobilisering kan främjas i Sverige vad gäller socialt arbete i allmänhet och samhällsarbete i synnerhet. Enligt författarna har socialarbetare och forskare i socialt arbete viktiga lärdomar att dra från hur man arbetar i Mumbai, men även från den egna historien av folkrörelsernas mobiliseringsarbete.

The aim of this article was to identify and discuss ecosocial changes and community resilience mechanisms in a coastal fishing community of Sweden – Bönan. Data were collected through eight semi-structured interviews and field observations. An abductive thematic analysis was used to analyze data and background literature. The findings showed that Bönan has been exposed to a combination of ecosocial changes that have transformed the community, and therefore required community resilience interventions. This article concludes that social workers need to take an active part in ecosocial work for enhancing community resilience.

This chapter explores the transformation of the Swedish welfare model and its implications for community work practice. The development of the Swedish welfare model from the 1990s and onwards is characterised by deregulation, recommodification and a reverse distribution from the public to the private sector. Through an analysis of extensive data on welfare and wealth in Sweden, this study shows how the Swedish welfare model has changed profoundly as power, resources and influence have been reallocated away from the democratically governed public sector towards the market driven private sector. The Swedish universal welfare model has been replaced by a mixed welfare model with increasing market liberal elements. Some of the consequences are less equal distributions of education, healthcare and elderly care services, lower democratic influence and reduced possibilities for redistribution policies. Social work in Sweden has traditionally been carried out within the politically driven public sector. The chapter problematises the implications for community based social work due to the ongoing changes of social policies and the welfare sector.

The worker's movement in capitalist societies knows two ways to fight for economic democracy: the one aims at participation in decision-making, while maintaining capitalist ownership; the other challenges private ownership itself. The author reflects upon various efforts undertaken in Sweden and Germany to create worker's collective ownership, as a means of winning a higher degree of participation in the decision-making processes.

The aim of the dissertation is twofold. The primary aim is to explain how the wage-earner funds could change the way they did, from the original proposal 1975 to the carried through 1983. The second is to show the relevans of Marxist analysis today, through the application of Marxist theory on the wage-earner funds issue. A discourse analyses is carried through to show the arguments and positions taken by key actors during the wage-earner funds struggle.

One important finding is that the wage-earner funds struggle was what I designate a hegemonic turning-point in the Swedish post war history. Until and including the raising of the fund issue the Swedish labour movement had for decades gradually moved their positions forwards vis-a-vis the bourgeois in wide meaning. The bourgeois won the fund struggle and has ever since step by step forced the labour movement on the defense. The wage-earner funds struggle then meant a very important change of the balance between the organized class forces.

Previous works on the wage-earner funds have a strong emphasis on the political level in trying to explain the issue. The dissertation shows that although this is an important factor, it has to be related to others. In accordande with a structuralist influenced Marxist perspective the interrelation of economical, political, cultural and ideological factors has to be evaluated in the analysis of the issue. The agenda on the political level needs to be related to processes in the economy. In other words changes in the economic base strongly influenced what was taking place in the political/cultural/ideological domains.

Marxism has for a long period been the objective for deconstruction and dissolution. Through the concrete analysis of the fund struggle the dissertation shows that Marxist theory is still relevant. The dissertation stresses that a relevant Marxism today is not the same as the classical marxism that culminated during the 1970’s. But there is fundamental parts, core, centrality, that can be built upon for a modern Marxism that is not ending up at the Post-marxism that dissolves and gives up still relevant foundations.

This study explores the transformation of the Swedish welfare model and its implications for social work practice. The development of the Swedish welfare model from the 1990s and onwards is characterised by deregulation, recommodification and a reverse distribution from the public to the private sector. Through an analysis of extensive data on welfare and wealth in Sweden, this study shows how the Swedish welfare model has changed profoundly as power, resources and influence have been reallocated away from the democratically governed public sector towards the market driven private sector. The Swedish universal welfare model has been replaced by a mixed welfare model with increasing market liberal elements. Some of the consequences are less equal distributions of education, healthcare and elderly care services, lower democratic influence and reduced possibilities for redistribution policies. Social work in Sweden has traditionally been carried out within the politically driven public sector. The discussion focuses on the implications for social work of the ongoing changes of social policies and the welfare sector.

Hedersrelaterat våld och förtryck (HRV) är ett allvarligt samhällsproblem som drabbar främst flickor och kvinnor, men även pojkar och HBTQI personer. Gävle kommun beviljades medel från Brottsförebyggande rådet (BRÅ) samt Delegationen mot segregation (Delmos) för att med hjälp av forskare från Högskolan i Gävle undersöka och utvärdera den våldspreventiva HRV metoden/projektet Shanazi hjältar. Syftet var att undersöka huruvida utfallet av de utbildningsinsatser och aktiviteter som genomförts motsvarar projektets målsättning att förebygga och långsiktigt minska HRV. Datainsamlingen har utgjorts av semistrukturerade intervjuer och fokusgruppsintervjuer med projektledare, Shanazi hjältar deltagarna, familjemedlemmar, styr- och arbetsgrupp, samt enkätundersökning bland gymnasieungdomar. Studiens resultat visar att Shanazi hjältarnas deltagande i projektet hade en positiv inverkan på kunskaper, medvetenhet och attityder om jämställdhet och HRV. Deltagarna uppfattas som goda förebilder i samhället och har påverkat andra ungdomar och familjemedlemmar. Projektets framgångsfaktorer innefattar projektmetoden, en väletablerad organisationsstruktur och ett transformativt ledarskap. Samverkan med samhällsaktörer såsom socialtjänst, skolor och polis har bidragit till kunskapsspridningen. Vidareutvecklad kontinuerlig samverkan och resursprioritering behövs för att fortsätta öka medvetenheten om HRV. Det är framledes viktigt att kontinuerligt bevaka risk- och konsekvensanalyser. Studiens slutsats är att metoden Shanazi hjältar och de aktiviteter som genomförts väl motsvarar målsättningen att förebygga och långsiktigt minska HRV.

The global economic crisis, whose effects are ongoing, was the result of an undemocratic, anti-social system of production, investment and finance. Therefore it is an opportune time to revisit the question of economic democracy. This question has emerged in various periods and places as a salient issue within the labour movement and the Left. In Europe, two paths to economic democracy have been considered: the co-determination line and the more radical property line challenging private ownership of capital. While the former has been dominant in social democracy, in the 1970s the latter became the main focus of debates in Germany and especially Sweden in the social democratic parties and trade unions. In both cases, system-transforming proposals for collective capital formation, aiming beyond the Fordist accumulation regime, played a key role. This article examines these experiences, paying particular attention to the issue of hegemony in a changing mode of production, and then explores several newer strategies of collective capital formation: trade union pension funds, societal funds, and hybrid citizen-worker ownership. Based on the lessons of the German and Swedish debates, it concludes that labour and Left forces need to form a transnational hegemonic bloc in order to overcome the resistance of international capital and advance an economic democracy agenda, with the structural reformism of collective capital formation occupying a central place on this agenda.

The Swedish universal welfare state has transformed since the 1990s into a mixed welfare model with increasing deregulation, recommodification, and reverse distribution from the public to the private sector where capital and influence have concentrated. In major cities such as Stockholm, this has resulted in a polarization where groups in the city centre and residential areas have accumulated wealth and resources while groups in marginalized suburbs and neighbourhoods have faced increasing social exclusion and marginalization. Public sector social work has long focused on individual case work, whereas this development calls for increasing community work initiatives. In this article, we analyse the rise of urban social movements mobilizing for inclusion, influence, and social justice as important aspects of contemporary community work in the Swedish urban periphery. Through analysis of semi-structured interviews with community workers and activists as well as media articles, reports, and web-based materials, the results show how the mobilization of the organization Megafonen has contributed to the development of new social institutions and urban commons.

Mumbai and Stockholm are worlds apart in terms of public services, infrastructures and standard of living. However, both cities have known common problems of social exclusion and marginalisation related to neo-liberal globalisation. Social workers are facing similar challenges regarding collective empowerment as a strategy for community work. This comparative study explored how collective empowerment is undertaken by community workers. The research participants were 13 informants from community-work organisations in the two settings. Semi-structured interviews were used and were analysed with the help of Atlas-ti 6.2 (ATLAS.ti Scientific Software Development GmbH D-10623 Berlin Germany). Social work in Mumbai is in a context of extreme poverty and mainly within the informal sector, whereas in Stockholm most social work is done in relation to a public welfare model. In Stockholm, interventions are aimed towards strengthening social networks, without direct aim at social change. In Mumbai, community workers organise people for collective empowerment to strengthen marginalised groups and achieve social change.